Articles

A growth of national ideologies, which became the ideological basis of liberation movements and the creation of national states, can be observed in the 19th century Ottoman Empire. Th is trend is also noticeable in Egypt, which enjoyed wide autonomy within the Empire. At that time, there were favorable conditions for the emergence of large communities of Orthodox Greeks, whose well-being grew rapidly thanks to entrepreneurship and trade. Despite the fact that these people came from diff erent places, by the beginning of the 20th century we can say that they had a common national identity. The article attempts to consider what were the tools for the formation of this identity and how did they act. For this purpose, various sources were analyzed: charters of community associations, memoirs, unpublished diplomatic documents, church journalism and press materials. As a result, it was possible to find out the role played in the formation of a single Greek identity by community organization, Greek consular authorities, schools, the Church, local newspapers and magazines.

The article presents the results of an analysis of the activities of 201 Russian universities based on a survey in the information and analytical system “Monitoring” of the Russian Ministry of Education and Science regarding the strategic objectives of the country’s national and youth policy: harmonization
of interethnic (interethnic) relations, prevention of extremism and preventionof conflicts on national and religious grounds, increasing the level of interethnic (interethnic) and interfaith harmony among young people. It has been revealed that in the vast majority of universities, work aimed at harmonizing interethnic relations among students, as well as improving the quality of their adaptation
processes to new living and learning conditions, is underway. In 64.7% of the universities surveyed there is an International Friendship Club (IFC) or a community with a diff erent name, positioning itself in its activities as an IFC. The main attention in the activities of the IFC is paid to students who arrived
from other countries and, therefore, to building an interethnic dialogue at an international level. The problems of interethnic relations among students that represent the native peoples of Russia are addressed much less frequently. The theme of interfaith interaction is practically relevant. The activities carried out are focused mainly on the tasks of ensuring cross-cultural communications, as well as assistance to foreign students. It is concluded that universities have strong support for working on the harmonization of interethnic relations already, while in the context of an aggravated geopolitical situation, student organizations need to increase attention to the task of increasing the level of harmony among native peoples of Russia and strengthening the unity of the Russian nation.

The changing nature of migration processes in the post-Soviet space, the sharp asynchrony of the demographic behavior of various ethnic groups and other modern factors are aggravating society’s attitude towards diaspora practices. The main motive for uniting the diaspora is ethnofavoritism. It
is possible to interpret both tribalistic and familistic preferences, characteristic of traditional societies, as manifestations of “extended egoism.” These preferences undermine the multi-level and extremely complex system of impersonal trust in a multicultural society and reduce the overall quality of its social capital. Today we are faced with an obvious contradiction in the issue of managing ethnocultural diversity: on the one hand, the diaspora model of behavior in a multicultural society is inevitable, on the other hand, government bodies, civil society institutions, and the media are not coping with the task of stopping the
influence of diaspora practices on increasing interethnic competition in the Russian society.

To understand the modern role of nonprofi t organizations in the system of interethnic relations, it is important to analyze the historical experi-ence of public participation in the formation of ethnic policies in Russia. The goal of this article is to identify the potential of civil society organizations in
the field of harmonization of interethnic relations, and to consider the possibilities and limitations of the potential of national-cultural autonomies based on reference to historical experience and its comparison with modern phenomena. To achieve research goals, the article uses a historical-genetic method that allows us to identify cause-and-eff ect relationships of historical processes and
phenomena, as well as classifi cation methods that allow to systematically analyze
the mechanisms of cross-sector partnership. Th e idea of national-cultural autonomy as a tool for maintaining and harmonious development of the cultural identity of “non-dominant” ethnic groups gained particular popularity in Austria-Hungary and Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century. The revival of this concept in our time is due to the fact that NCA is a historically established and theoretically substantiated “classical” principle for implementing ethnocultural development that does not violate the political structure and territorial-administrative composition of multinational states. However, the national-cultural autonomies created in accordance with the 1996 law are heterogeneous
both in size and development potential. Due to this inconsistency, the possibilities of civil society in the ethnocultural and ethnopolitical sphere are realized not only in the form of creating national and cultural autonomies, but also using other organizational and legal forms. Th e nonprofi t sector is the
organizational and economic basis of civil society, and it is in this capacity that it reflects the diversity of public interests. Th e role of the nonprofi t sector is not limited to representing the interests of diverse groups, including national and religious groups, in the public political space. Nonprofi t organizations are called upon to solve specifi c problems of society, provide social assistance, prevent
crises and help resolve them. It is in this capacity that they are most useful as a tool for harmonizing interethnic relations. Civil society organizations, due to natural resource limitations, cannot eff ectively solve the problems of harmonizing interethnic relations without cooperation with the state and business. The issues of development of national culture and national heritage, social assistance
and support for representatives of various ethnic groups, public participation in the activities of government bodies on issues of interethnic relations become the responsibility of various civil structures involved in the system of intersectoral
social partnership.

The article concerns the study of municipal practices of the winners of the All-Russian competition “Best Municipal Practice” 2018–2022 in the category “Strengthening of international peace and harmony, implementation of other activities in the fi eld of national policy at the municipal level”. This
question is of both scientifi c and practical interest, as it makes it possible to use this experience to harmonize international and interreligious relations in municipalities. Th e process of growth of competition participants in this nomination, which indicates the interest of the population and local governments in the development of this type of activity, is considered. Based on the study of
the practices of the competition winners, the main areas of practical activity of municipal authorities, which are the most signifi cant for the eff ective solution of problems of state national policy, are identifi ed. Examples of successful implementation of practices in all identifi ed areas, which can be used for replication by other municipalities of the country, are given.

Regulation of interethnic relations is one of the key areas of activity of the state and society in Russia. In the course of the Russia’s history, considerable experience has been accumulated in this area, and the analysis of this experience allows us to understand the features of modern management in the
fi eld of interethnic and interfaith relations. Th e article examines the main trends in the development of Russia as a multi-ethnic state and the mechanisms used at different stages of its evolution to manage ethnic diversity. Author stresses that the task of harmonizing relations between the peoples inhabiting Russia was faced by the authorities already in the early stages of the development of
statehood. Th e fl exible use of the principles of governance borrowed by Russian rulers from neighboring states (in particular, the Golden Horde) yelped to expand the state’s territory to the East. Maintaining the local autonomy, the alliance of authorities with local elites, their involvement in governance matters,
the ability to protect local peoples from external aggression, and to act as an arbiter
in resolving disputes between them — the application of all these principles helped to integrate the new territories into the Russian state. Of course, these techniques did not always work. However, their successful use for quite a long time deserves the attention of researchers, and the experience accumulated in those years can be used in planning and implementing modern national policies.

The article is devoted to the views on the state-capitalist model of the economy, refl ected in the works of P.A. Kropotkin, one of the founders of anarchism and a world-famous scientist. In his writings of 1896–1921. Peter Kropotkin criticized state capitalism, considering it as part of the program of socio-economic transformations of social-democratic parties and as a real system of economic relations. Th e article traces the development of Kropotkin’s views on state capitalism, presents their generalized analysis.

The article proposes to evaluate the possible consequences of the transformation of closed administrative-territorial formation (CATFs) into federal territories. Th e author comes to the following conclusions. Giving CATF the status of a federal territory will make it possible to more accurately determine its place in the territorial structure of Russia, eliminating the current duality of its legal nature (as an administrative-territorial entity and as a municipal entity). The withdrawal of the CATF territory from the territory of a subject of the Russian Federation will solve the problem of the mismatch between the borders of CATFs and regions, but the procedure for creating, transforming and abolishing CATFs will not change signifi cantly. Within the framework of the federal territory of a closed type, it will be possible to form a completely new system of state bodies. Th e author proposes to create a single centralized system managed by the head of a CATF, accountable to the relevant department. At the same time, territorial bodies of federal authorities can be retained on the territory of CATFs only if necessary. In terms of the organization of local self-government, it is proposed to abandon the identity of the territory of a CATF and the territory of the municipality. Either smaller municipalities within a closed federal territory should be created, or the structure of a municipality can be completely abandoned, providing fi nancing the activities of local governments at the expense of the budget of the federal territory. As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that a closed federal territory is able to more eff ectively provide a special regime for the safe functioning of organizations and objects.

In the second part of the article the author analyzes the emergence and expanse of the term “head of state”, the diffi culties involved by usage of the Russian collocation “head of state” and related word combinations, the chronological and spatial spread of the heads of states in various meanings.
Besides, considering the conceptual plurality revealed in the fi rst part of the article, the problems of classifying heads of states are discussed. Based on the study of the listed issues, the article demonstrates the limitations of interlingual analogies, proposes an updated presentation of the features
that characterize the head of state in its offi cial (representative) meaning, shows discreteness and locality of the phenomena denoted by the term “head of state”, identifies high risk of substituting a perfect classifi cation of heads of state (as homogeneous phenomena) with a pseudo classifi cation that combines phenomena corresponding to the heads of state in diff erent meanings.